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No.
00-795
IN
THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT
JOHN
D. ASHCROFT, et al.,
Petitioners
v.
THE
FREE SPEECH COALITION, et al.,
Respondents
On
Writ of Certiorari to the
United
States Court of Appeals
For
the Ninth Circuit
BRIEF
OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION, INSTITUTE FOR THE
ADVANCED
STUDY OF HUMAN SEXUALITY, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION
OF
CRIMINAL DEFENSE LAWYERS, REPORTERS COMMITTEE FOR
FREEDOM
OF THE PRESS, FEMINISTS FOR FREE EXPRESSION,
SOCIETY
OF PROFESSIONAL JOURNALISTS, AND RADIO-
TELEVISION
NEWS DIRECTORS ASSOCIATION, AS
AMICI
CURIAE, IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS
Ann
Brick
American
Civil Liberties Union
Foundation of Northern
California
1663
Mission Street, Suite 460
San
Francisco, CA
94103
Telephone: (415) 621-2493
Ann
E. Beeson
Steven
R. Shapiro
American
Civil Liberties Union
125
Broad Street, 17th Floor
New
York, NY
10004
Telephone: (212)
549-2500
William
Bennett Turner *
Rogers
Joseph O’Donnell & Phillips
311
California St., 10th Floor
San
Francisco, CA 94104
Telephone: (415) 956-2828
*
Counsel of Record
ATTORNEYS
FOR AMICI CURIAE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page No.
INTERESTS
OF THE AMICI.................................................................................................................
1
STATEMENT
OF THE CASE...............................................................................................................
3
SUMMARY
OF ARGUMENT . ..........................................................................................................
3
ARGUMENT.......................................................................................................................................
5
Introduction.........................................................................................................................................
5
I.
THE CPPA EXCEEDS THE CONSTITUTIONALLY PERMISSIBLE SCOPE OF REGULATION OF
NONOBSCENE SEXUALLY EXPLICIT SPEECH........................................................................
6
A.
This Court Has Recognized That Even Child Pornography
Laws
Are Limited by the First Amendment....................................................................
6
B.
Despite this Court’s Caution in Ferber, Child Pornography
Laws
Have Been Applied in an Overbroad Manner That
Threatens
Legitimate Speech and Research..................................................................
9
C.
The CPPA Closes off the Only Avenue Left Open by Ferber
for
Legitimate Creators and Users of Prohibited Material -
Material
That Does Not Involve Real Children................................................................
12
II.
EASING THE GOVERNMENT’S CONSTITUTIONALLY-REQUIRED BURDEN OF PROOF FOR
IMPOSING CRIMINAL PENALTIES ON SPEECH IS NOT A COMPELLING INTEREST THAT
JUSTIFIES THE CPPA
14
III.
THE GOVERNMENT CANNOT OUTLAW SPEECH BASED ON THE ASSUMPTION THAT IT MAY
CAUSE SOME VIEWERS TO ACT
ILLEGALLY...................................................................................
17
A.
The Evidence Does Not Support a Connection Between
Virtual
Child Pornography and Actual Harm to Minors...................................................
17
B.
The CPPA Violates this Court's Well Established Limits for
Punishing
Speech on the Theory That it May Encourage
Others
to Engage in Unlawful Behavior........................................................................
22
CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................................
27
INTERESTS OF THE AMICI
Amici
are non-profit organizations who fully support efforts by government to prevent
sexual abuse or exploitation of children but remain concerned about the rights
of publishers, artists, authors, journalists, scholars and citizens to create,
distribute, use and possess every kind of expression permitted by the First
Amendment. [1]/
The
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is a nationwide, nonprofit, nonpartisan
organization with nearly 300,000 members dedicated to the principles of liberty
and equality embodied in the U.S. Constitution. Since its founding in 1920, the ACLU has
litigated numerous cases involving issues of freedom of expression and sexually
explicit speech including, recently,
Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844 (1997) (challenge to Communications
Decency Act), and Denver Area
Educational Telecommunications Consortium v. Federal Communications
Commission, 518 U.S. 727 (1996) (challenge to indecency provisions of Cable
Television Consumer Protection and Competition Act of 1992). The ACLU of Northern California is a
regional affiliate of the national ACLU.
The
Institute for the Advanced Study of Human Sexuality
is a private graduate school established in 1976 and based in San Francisco,
California. The Institute provides
a graduate course of study for persons preparing for careers in human sexuality
or already working in the field.
The Institute maintains archives, resource centers and research
facilities dealing with primary sexological and erotological material not
available elsewhere.
The
National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers
(NACDL) is a non-profit corporation founded in 1958 to ensure justice and due
process for persons accused of crime, and to promote the proper and fair
administration of criminal justice.
It has a membership of more than 9,000 attorneys and 28,000 affiliate
members in 50 states.
Feminists
for Free Expression (FFE) is a national not-for-profit organization of diverse
feminist women and men who share a commitment both to gender equality and to
preserving the individual’s right and responsibility to read, view, and produce
expressive materials free from government intervention. Since 1992 it has worked actively to
oppose the misapprehension that censorship may sometimes be in the interest of
women and others who feel unequally treated by society, believing that the goal
of equality is inextricably linked with the values enshrined in our
Constitution’s free speech clause.
The
Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press is a voluntary, unincorporated
association of news editors and reporters dedicated to defending the First
Amendment and freedom of information interests of the print and broadcast media
since 1970.
The
Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ) is a voluntary non-profit journalism
organization representing every branch and rank of print and broadcast
journalism. SPJ is the largest
membership organization for journalists in the world, and for more than 90
years, SPJ has been dedicated to encouraging a climate in which journalism can
be practiced freely, fully, and in the public interest.
The
Radio-Television News Directors Association is a professional organization
comprised of local and network news executives, educators, students and others
in the radio, television and cable news business and is devoted to electronic
journalism.
All
amici
are concerned about the dangers to free speech and inquiry posed by the Child
Pornography Prevention Act of 1996 (CPPA).
STATEMENT
OF THE CASE
The
Free Speech Coalition and others (respondents) filed this facial challenge to
the constitutionality of the CPPA, which amended the federal child pornography
law to criminalize not just images of real children engaged in sexual conduct,
but any image that "appears to be" or that "conveys the impression" of minors
engaged in sexual conduct. 18
U.S.C. §§ 2252, 2256. The district
court found, inter
alia,
that the CPPA was content-neutral and was not unconstitutionally vague or
overbroad. Pet.App. 50a-65a. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals
reversed, holding that the CPPA was vague and overbroad in violation of the
First Amendment. Pet.App. 1a-43a.
After the court below denied a petition for rehearing, this Court granted
the government’s petition for a writ of certiorari on January 22,
2001.
SUMMARY
OF ARGUMENT
The
CPPA creates a new category of criminally prohibited speech: nonobscene “child pornography” that
neither depicts real children nor uses children in its production. The plain language of the “appears to
be” and “conveys the impression” provisions of the CPPA criminalizes a wide
variety of images, including those of young-looking adults as well as minors in
paintings, drawings and sculpture, and those created and used for serious
literary, artistic, political or scientific purposes.
Amici
agree with the court below that the “appears to be” and “conveys the impression”
provisions are facially unconstitutional and are far too subjective and vague
for use in a criminal statute restricting speech. Amici confine this brief to three
points:
1.
Despite
this Court’s caution in New
York v. Ferber,
458 U.S. 747 (1982), child pornography laws have been used to justify
suppression and prosecution of legitimate speech and research ranging from
parental photographs of nude children in the bathtub to journalistic
investigation of the role of law enforcement in online child pornography
prosecutions and medical treatment of pedophilia. By cutting off the only avenue of
protected speech left open for legitimate speech and research – images that do
not involve real children – the CPPA expands the overbreadth of the child
pornography prohibition to the point of
unconstitutionality.
2.
The
government argues in this Court that the CPPA provisions are justified because
advances in technology have made it difficult for the government to meet its
burden to prove that a defendant possessed or distributed images of actual
minors – that is, to prove that the speech is unprotected – before obtaining a
conviction. The government argues
that the CPPA will make it easier to obtain convictions for child pornography,
and that an affirmative defense is available to some defendants who can prove
that the images were produced using adults. But the defense is unavailable to a wide
range of defendants, including all those charged with possession rather than
distribution, creators who use neither real adults nor real children, and
distributors who have no way to prove that an adult was used to produce the
images. Thus, rather than
justifying the law, the reversal of the burden of proof inherent in the CPPA
exacerbates its constitutional defects.
3.
The
government contends that virtual pornography – images that neither depict real
minors nor use real minors in its production – has no First Amendment protection
because the images can lead to actual child molestation. Its contention is based on Congressional
“findings” that such images may “whet the appetite” of potential molesters and
be used to seduce actual minors.
The government submitted no evidence in this case, and the Congressional
findings are not based on reliable evidence. In addition, while government may of
course proscribe actual child exploitation, the First Amendment does not allow
the suppression of speech based on the assumption that it may cause some viewers
to engage in illegal acts unless the speech is directed to inciting imminent
unlawful action and is likely to produce such action. Brandenburg v. Ohio,
395 U.S. 444 (1969).
ARGUMENT
Introduction
In
1984, Congress acted to “expand the child pornography statute to its full
constitutional limits.” United
States v. X-Citement Video, Inc., 513 U.S. 64, 74 (1994). In 1996, Congress exceeded those
limits. It created an entire new
category of criminally prohibited speech: nonobscene "child pornography" that
neither depicts real children nor uses children in its production. As the court of appeals observed,
"Images that are, or can be, entirely the product of the mind are criminalized."
Pet.App. 16a.
The
CPPA criminalizes materials that, by definition, may not appeal to the prurient
interest, may not be patently offensive and may well have serious literary,
artistic, political or scientific value.
Cf. Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 24 (1973) (defining
obscenity). “Child pornography” has
heretofore been confined to materials depicting actual minors performing sexual
acts. See New York v.
Ferber, 458 U.S. 747 (1982).
Prohibitions
of both obscenity and child pornography are “unabashedly content-based
laws.” See New York v.
Ferber, supra, 458 U.S. at 756.
They “run the risk of suppressing protected expression by allowing the
hand of the censor to become unduly heavy.” Id. The proper analysis therefore starts
with the presumption that the CPPA’s content-based restrictions on speech
are “beyond the power of the government.”
Simon & Schuster v. New York State Crime Victims Board, 502
U.S. 105, 115-16 (1991); see United States v. Playboy Entertainment
Group, Inc., 120 S.Ct. 1878, 1888 (2000), quoting R.A.V. v. St. Paul,
505 U.S. 377, 382 (1992) (“Content-based regulations are presumptively
invalid”). As will be seen, the
government’s showing in this case does not overcome that presumption.
I.
THE CPPA EXCEEDS THE CONSTITUTIONALLY PERMISSIBLE SCOPE OF REGULATION OF
NONOBSCENE SEXUALLY EXPLICIT SPEECH
A.
This Court Has Recognized That Even Child Pornography Laws Are Limited by
the First Amendment
In
New York v. Ferber, the Court upheld a state child pornography law that
criminalized images of actual
minors engaged in sexual conduct that were not obscene. The Court recognized that child
pornography laws are nonetheless limited by the First Amendment in two
ways. First, the Court noted that
applications of child pornography laws to material or research with serious
value might violate the First Amendment.
458 U.S. at 773-74. It held
that these overbroad applications "should be cured through case-by-case analysis
of the fact situations to which [the statute’s] sections ... may not be
applied." Id.
at 774. Four concurring justices
expanded on the overbreadth issue.
Justice O’Connor noted that "clinical pictures of adolescent sexuality"
and "pictures of children engaged in rites widely approved by their cultures"
might not "trigger the compelling interests identified by the Court." Id. at 775. Similarly, Justices Brennan and Marshall
opined that the use of materials otherwise within the ambit of the statute may
be protected by the First Amendment if they form part of a work having serious
literary, artistic, scientific, or medical value. Id.
at 776-77. Justice Stevens
explicitly noted that the First Amendment would also protect images that fit
squarely within the prohibition if used for legitimate
purposes:
A
holding that respondent may be punished for selling these two films does not
require us to conclude that other users of these very films, or that other
motion pictures containing similar scenes, are beyond the pale of constitutional
protection. Thus, the exhibition of
these films before a legislative committee studying a proposed amendment to a
state law, or before a group of research scientists studying human behavior,
could not, in my opinion, be made a crime.
Moreover, it is at least conceivable that a serious work of art, a
documentary on behavioral problems, or a medical or psychiatric teaching device,
might include a scene from one of these films and, when viewed as a whole in a
proper setting, be entitled to constitutional
protection.
Id.
at 778. Other courts have suggested
similar limitations on the reach of child pornography laws. [1]/
See United States v. Lamb, 945 F.Supp. 441, 449- 50 (N.D.N.Y.
1996) (recognizing need for a "legitimate use" defense for researchers,
psychiatrists, etc.); United
States v. Fox,
248 F.3d 394 (5th Cir. 2001) (same for artists); U.S. v. Upham, 168 F.3d
532, 534 (1st Cir.), cert. denied, 119 S. Ct. 2353 (1999) (noting
submission to jury of whether defendant's purpose in possessing child
pornography was to produce a serious literary work). In addition, some state child
pornography statutes contain explicit exceptions for work with serious
value. See, e.g.,
Osborne
v. Ohio,
495 U.S. 103, 106 (1990) (Ohio statute contains exception for material used for
"bona fide artistic, medical, scientific, educational ... or other proper
purpose"); Massachusetts v.
Oakes, 491 U.S. 576, 579 (1989) (state statute contains exception for
material "produced ... for a bona fide scientific or medical purpose, or for an
educational or cultural purpose for a bona fide school, museum or library.");
Conn. Gen. Stat. §53(a) (2001) (exception to state child pornography statute for
images possessed for "bona fide artistic, medical, scientific, educational,
religious, governmental or judicial purpose."); Cal. Penal Code §311.2(e) (2001)
(same); Ga. Code Ann. §16-12-100(d) (2001) (same); N.Y. Penal Code §235.15(2)
(McKinney 2000) (same).
Second,
the Ferber Court specifically offered constitutionally protected
alternatives to the speech prohibited by the statute. For example, the Court suggested the use
of young-looking adults or other simulations as a constitutionally protected
substitute for the use of actual minors and, in part, justified its own holding
by pointing to the availability of such a constitutionally protected
alternative. 458 U.S. at 763. The Court thus noted that “a person over
the statutory age who perhaps looked younger could be utilized,” and that
“simulation” could “provide another alternative.” 458 U.S. at 763. Rejecting the idea that simulation might
be unlawful, the Court held that material that does “not involve live
performance or photographic or other visual reproduction of live
performances, retains First Amendment protection.” 458 U.S. at 765 (emphasis added); see
also People v. Ferber, 409 N.Y. Supp. 2d 632, 637 (1978) (noting that
state itself had offered these protected alternatives). In X-Citement Video, supra, the
Court reiterated that nonobscene sexually explicit materials involving adults
“are protected by the First Amendment.”
513 U.S. at 72.
B.
Despite this Court’s Caution in Ferber, Child Pornography Laws
Have Been Applied in an Overbroad Manner That Threatens Legitimate Speech and
Research
Before
considering the constitutionality of the CPPA’s expansion
of
the federal child pornography law, amici wish to make the Court aware of
the very real impact of child pornography laws on legitimate speech and research
even before enactment of the CPPA.
The Ferber Court’s acknowledgement of the constitutional
limitations of imposing criminal liability for nonobscene child pornography has
not stopped the threat to protected speech. Child pornography has in essence become
a strict liability crime for many, including legitimate academics, artists,
journalists and sex researchers, who can no longer safely create or possess
images even in circumstances that do not implicate the government interests
identified in Ferber. Prosecutors have unbridled discretion in
deciding whom to target. Grandparents and parents have been prosecuted for
taking nude photos of their children and grandchildren; some either take years
to mount a successful First Amendment defense, or opt to enter pleas to avoid
protracted litigation. [1]/
Artists, museum directors, advertisers, and mainstream booksellers have
had their works seized and been threatened with prosecution. [1]/
An award-winning journalist has been imprisoned after a court refused to
let him present evidence that he was in fact investigating and reporting on the
problem of child pornography on the Internet. U.S. v. Matthews, 209 F.3d 338
(4th Cir. 2000) (denying journalist’s First Amendment defense that illegal
images were possessed as part of news investigation), cert. denied, 121
S.Ct. 260 (2000).
Sex
researchers have had to limit their research of child pornography and even to
abandon proven clinical techniques for assessing the treatment of sex offenders.
[1]/
The climate for legitimate research has become so fearful that scholars
and researchers did not want their articles cited in this brief for fear of
scrutiny, and some professional sex research associations declined to join this
amicus brief out of fear that their participation could subject their members to
scrutiny and potential criminal liability for their research. Sociology professors have also been
threatened with prosecution for studying the role of pornography in modern
society. Urofsky v. Gilmore,
216 F.3d 401 (4th Cir. 2000), cert. denied, 121 S.Ct. 759 (2001); Robert
O'Harrow, Jr., "Professors Sue Over Va Law Governing Explicit Material On
Internet," The Washington Post May 9, 1997 (discussing censorship of
professor's web site). Even
criminal defense attorneys do not have an exception to possess images to assist
them in the defense of their client.
On
the other side of the coin, certain persons who possess and receive child
pornography involving real children appear to enjoy immunity from
prosecution. For example, companies
that market Internet blocking programs employ hundreds of staff members who
download illegal child pornography to add to the programs' lists of sites to
block. Jon Bigness, "Sifting
Problems of Web Filters," Chicago Tribune, February 16, 1998; Jeffrey
Savitskie, "In Macomb County:
Library to Block Net Porn From Kids," The Detroit News, August 13,
1997. In addition, the brief of the National Center for Missing
& Exploited Children in this case discusses its possession and review of
illegal images. See Amicus
Curiae Brief of National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, at 8
(“NCMEC analyzes all reported images of child pornography to determine whether a
violation of federal child pornography laws may have occurred ¼
“); id. at 18 (“Reports of apparent child pornography are forwarded to
NCMEC, where trained analysts triage the images and assign a priority value to
the report” before sending to law enforcement).
Against
this background, Congress opted to expand the definition of child
pornography in the CPPA well beyond constitutional limits.
C.
The CPPA Closes off the Only Avenue Left Open by Ferber
for Legitimate Creators and Users of Prohibited Material - Material That Does
Not Involve Real Children
The
only clear safety valve left to creators and users of legitimate speech
involving minors and sexual conduct under Ferber was sexually explicit
material that used fictitious minors.
The CPPA’s criminal penalties unconstitutionally close that safety
valve. Despite the government’s
attempt to narrow the statute to apply only to computer-generated images that
are “virtually indistinguishable” from images of actual minors, the plain language of the statute outlaws sexually explicit
depictions of young-looking adults in films, photographs, videos, etc.,
depictions of children in paintings, drawings, cartoons, video games,
anatomically correct dolls, sculpture, etc., [1]/ and computer-generated or photo composite
images that do not involve real minors.
All of these easily fit within the open-ended "visual depiction"
provision of § 2256(8). [1]/ The CPPA, by redefining certain sexually
explicit materials as child pornography, is invalid because it directly
proscribes constitutionally protected speech.
Even
if case-by-case adjudication of overbroad applications might have protected
legitimate speech and research before the CPPA, the CPPA’s expansion of
liability to nonobscene images of fictitious minors burdens protected speech to
the point of facial unconstitutionality.
Under Ferber, legitimate speakers and researchers could avoid
prosecution by creating or using images that did not involve real children. For example, photographers and
filmmakers could use young-looking adults.
Sex researchers could study and use similar or fictitious images for
research and to treat patients.
These very alternatives were expressly contemplated by this Court in
Ferber, in part to limit the impact of the law on legitimate speech and
research. Because the CPPA
eliminates the ability to create or use even fictitious images of minors engaged
in sexual conduct, it is unconstitutional.
As
a particularly ironic example of the statute’s overbreadth, the CPPA now makes
criminal many of the studies that could inform the Court’s analysis of whether
the government has proven the harm that it alleges. Sex researchers cannot study the impact
of virtual child pornography to determine whether it “whets the appetite” of the
viewer. They cannot determine
whether there is a connection between viewing certain images and committing sex
crimes. Journalists cannot analyze
whether the market for virtual child pornography is actually increasing on the
Internet. The government has now
made a category of speech so illegal that society can no longer have informed
debates about the premises of that illegality. Scientists studying the harmful effects
of illegal drugs are granted licenses that entitle them to possession for
research purposes, 21 U.S.C. § 823(f), while scientists wanting to examine the
harmful effects from child pornography – though it is speech – face prosecution
for possessing contraband.
II.
EASING
THE GOVERNMENT’S CONSTITUTIONALLY-REQUIRED BURDEN OF PROOF FOR IMPOSING CRIMINAL
PENALTIES ON SPEECH IS NOT A COMPELLING INTEREST THAT JUSTIFIES THE
CPPA
To
justify the CPPA, the government now argues that, absent the "appears to be"
provision, it will be unable to meet its burden of proof in child pornography
prosecutions. Pet.Br. 23-24, 37.
Before the CPPA, child pornography prosecutions required the government
to prove that the defendant possessed or distributed images of an actual
minor. The requirement was imposed
by this Court in Ferber,
whose rationale for allowing a state to ban nonobscene child pornography is the
harm to the minors exploited in the material’s production. [1]/
Lower courts following Ferber have continued to emphasize that the
victims of child pornography "are the children who participate in the
pornography’s production.”
United
States v. Boos,
127 F.3d 1207, 1213 (9th Cir. 1997); United States v. Wiegand, 812 F.2d
1239, 1245 (9th Cir.), cert. denied,
484 U.S. 856 (1987) (rationale of prohibiting child pornography is to ensure
that the child "target" of the "pornographer-photographer" not be "treated as a
thing").
The
government's new argument is simply an effort to lighten its own burden to prove
that speech is unprotected before sending a speaker to jail. It exacerbates the constitutional
defects in the statute for several reasons. First, the government has failed to cite
a single instance of its inability to win a conviction. Despite its experience in hundreds and
hundreds of child pornography prosecutions, it has adduced no evidence that it
has actually been prevented from proving its case. In fact, at the Senate hearing on the
CPPA, the Deputy Assistant Attorney General testified that in a recent year
there were "no acquittals" and "1995 saw the highest conviction rate for child
pornography cases – 97.6 percent.”
Child Pornography Prevention Act of 1995: Hearing before the Senate Comm.
on the Judiciary, 104th Cong., 2d Sess., 15 (1996)(“Senate Hearing”).
[1]/
Congress did not have "substantial evidence" on which to base its
"finding" on the burden of proof point.
See Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. v. FCC, 520 U.S. 180, 195
(1997).
Second, the government is essentially arguing that it has a compelling interest in criminalizing protected speech (images of fictitious minors) because it will aid the prosecution of unprotected speech (ima